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California’s Billionaire Tax Will Accelerate Its Own Demise

The revenue base is already fragile – California’s top 1% of earners shoulder 39% of all personal income tax collections

By Jay Rogers, June 8, 2026 12:30 pm

The proposed 2026 Billionaire Tax Act, officially Initiative No. 25-0024, would impose a one-time 5% excise tax on the net worth of anyone with assets over $1 billion who resided in California as of January 1, 2026. Organizers have collected 1.6 million signatures—nearly double the threshold for the November ballot. Proponents say it could raise $100 billion. The people writing the checks left before that number was ever real.

By January 1, six billionaires had publicly confirmed departures: Google’s Larry Page and Sergey Brin to Miami, Peter Thiel to Miami, Don Hankey to Las Vegas, Travis Kalanick to Texas, Steven Spielberg to New York. Those six departures alone removed an estimated $536 billion from California’s tax base.

A City Journal analysis found that just three departures erased 38% of California’s total billionaire wealth from tax reach. The Hoover Institution estimates the permanent income tax revenue loss will leave the state worse off by $25 billion, net present value negative.

Fourteen countries tried broad wealth taxes between the 1960s and 2010s. Most repealed them. France’s version drove an estimated 42,000 millionaires out of the country between 2000 and 2012. The OECD found these taxes averaged just 0.2% of GDP in revenue. Norway raised its wealth tax modestly in 2022 and watched its wealthiest residents accelerate their departures. These outcomes are documented, not predicted.

The corporate departures compound the damage. In 2026 alone, Public Storage announced its move from Glendale to Frisco, Texas, after 50 years. Yamaha Motor USA announced a move from Cypress to Georgia after nearly half a century, selling its entire 25.1-acre California campus. KB Home, a Fortune 1000 homebuilder in Los Angeles since 1963, is heading to Arizona. They join Tesla, Chevron, Oracle, Charles Schwab, Hewlett Packard Enterprise, and In-N-Out Burger. A 2025 PPIC report documented 789 headquarters departing between 2011 and 2021, taking 77,600 jobs. Chief Executive Magazine ranked California dead last in its Best & Worst States for Business survey for 2025, the 14th year in a row.

The revenue base is already fragile. California’s top 1% of earners shoulder 39% of all personal income tax collections—over $122 billion annually. IRS data show the state lost $11.9 billion in net adjusted gross income from 2022 to 2023, the most of any state. The California Legislative Analyst’s Office found forgone income tax collections from outmigration hit 1.6% of PIT revenue in 2022–23—three times the pre-pandemic rate. The billionaire tax adds a specific, quantifiable, and urgent financial reason to accelerate that trend.

There’s also the constitutional problem. The residency snapshot date of January 1, 2026 means former residents who left before the November vote still face potential liability. Congressman Kevin Kiley introduced the Keep Jobs in California Act specifically to block retroactive state taxation of former residents. The Tax Foundation notes the initiative’s residency provisions face significant legal vulnerability—the Supreme Court has twice rejected retroactive wholly new taxes. That uncertainty is itself a forcing function: billionaires have rational legal grounds to believe departing in 2026 could protect them. The California legislature can also expand the tax by simple majority vote without returning to voters. The “one-time” label is a marketing decision, not a structural constraint.

Meanwhile, California faces a $50 to $70 billion structural deficit after a $97.5 billion surplus just four years ago. The state has spent $37 billion on homelessness since 2019 with the count still rising. High-speed rail—promised for $33 billion in 2008—now sits at $126.3 billion for Phase 1 alone, with no track laid. Operation Never Say Die arrested eight defendants in April for $50 million in Medicare hospice fraud. The attorney general charged 21 more in a separate $267 million Medi-Cal scheme. The state’s own auditor confirmed roughly $33 billion in EDD fraud during the pandemic, with vulnerabilities still unfixed.

These aren’t isolated incidents. They’re the fiscal record of a state that has spent years substituting political ambition for operational accountability. A $222 billion proposed Medi-Cal budget for a stable state population. A homeless count that rose through $37 billion in spending. A high-speed rail project that legislators privately know will never carry a passenger but that nobody will kill. That’s not a budget problem a one-time wealth tax solves. That’s a governance problem that no tax can fix.

The conservative prescription is the same one that worked under Governor Wilson: broaden the tax base while lowering marginal rates, cut regulatory red tape that makes California expensive to operate in, and apply rigorous performance audits to every program that can’t demonstrate results. Supply-side policies don’t need theoretical justification in California. They have a track record.

The revenue problem isn’t a shortage of wealthy residents. It’s a spending and accountability problem dressed in progressive language. Taxing the people still left won’t fix what drove the others out.

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